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	<title>Civil Rights Movement &#8211; Baltimore Magazine</title>
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	<title>Civil Rights Movement &#8211; Baltimore Magazine</title>
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		<title>The Women of the Pitch &#038; Putt Golf Club Drive Home a Powerful Legacy</title>
		<link>https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/historypolitics/pitch-and-putt-golf-club-of-baltimore-carroll-park-womens-history-desegregation-civil-rights-movement/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Dan Cook]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Jul 2026 20:03:27 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[History & Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[News & Community]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sports]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Carroll Park]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil Rights Movement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Golf]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Pitch & Putt Golf Club of Baltimore]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[women's rights]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/?post_type=article&#038;p=184580</guid>

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			<p>The drive down Washington Avenue amid the urban sprawl of southwest Baltimore provides zero indication that Carroll Park Golf Course is nearby. Finally, two weathered stone columns mark the entrance to the course’s crumbling macadam parking lot.</p>
<p>Splotches of patchy grass and sparse trees surround an octagon-shaped clubhouse that’s lined with pale-yellow clapboards and designed for function more than form.  The traffic on I-95, a chip shot away from the course’s western border, adds a constant din to the gritty ambiance.</p>
<p>Carroll Park, a compact nine-hole course, is teeming with activity this spring morning. Two teenagers take practice swings in the tee box of a short par-3, waiting for a middle-aged Black man to putt out on the green. An elderly Asian woman walks up the ninth fairway, nearing the end of her round, while two white men in workwear approach the first tee to begin theirs.</p>
<p>The scene presents the egalitarian beauty of blue-collar municipal courses, where all are welcome to shoot par, the standard marker of success and the game’s great equalizer for every player, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin. But that’s not how it used to be. Especially not here and especially not for golfers who were born with the wrong skin tone for the time.</p>
<p><a href="https://pitchputtgolfclub.com/">The Pitch &amp; Putt Golf Club of Baltimore</a> was established on these grounds in 1938 when African-American women joined forces at the only course where they were allowed to play. But even that privilege had not come without a fight.</p>
<p>Brenda Goburn Smith, a current Pitch &amp; Putt member who also served on the advisory committee for the Baltimore Municipal Golf Corporation, which manages the city’s courses, discovered details of that fight—and Carroll Park’s important role in the desegregation of golf—in a research paper published in the journal <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/30034226"><em>The Geographical Review</em></a>.</p>
<p>“As I read through it and the story began to unfold, I kept thinking, this is fascinating,” she says. “Our club and the course share intertwined histories.”</p>

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			<p>The shared past began in 1923, when Carroll Park Golf Course opened as a “whites only” club. Eleven years later, the Monumental Golf Club of Baltimore, an African-American organization, challenged that policy and scored an apparent legal victory when Baltimore’s Board of Public Park Commissioners (BPPC) essentially segregated the park.</p>
<p>White golfers were granted exclusive rights to play the course on Tuesdays, Thursdays, Saturdays, and the second and fourth Sundays of each month. African Americans were allowed to tee off on Mondays, Fridays, and Saturdays. But they were still banned from playing on the city’s three other public courses.</p>
<p>The plan initially gained traction because giving Black people access to Carroll Park aligned with the U.S. Supreme Court’s <em>Plessy v. Ferguson</em> decision of 1896, which ruled that racial segregation did not violate the 14th Amendment if separate facilities for both races were equal in quality.</p>
<p>Carroll Park was separate but decidedly not equal, however. The city’s other public courses featured the standard 18 holes, but Carroll Park’s 35 acres had room for only nine. Baltimore had spent more than $1 million on upkeep of the municipal golf courses since their openings, but only $21,665 had been earmarked for Carroll Park, where it was impossible to differentiate fairways from unkempt rough and patches of groomed sand were sorry excuses for greens. The sandy greens forced golfers to perfect their short games and inspired the name of the fledging Pitch &amp; Putt club.</p>
<p>Pitch &amp; Putt originally launched as a coed club until the men broke off to form the Colonial Golf Club in 1967. The male members grew to love the game while caddying at the city’s white courses and developed their own game by traveling to play other African-American golfers in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. Some of the men’s wives who went along on the trips and started playing alongside their spouses would become the original female members of Pitch &amp; Putt.</p>
<p>They were getting into golf just as local organizations were formed to grow the game’s emerging popularity among white women. The first Maryland Women’s Amateur Championship was held in 1921, and the Women’s Golf Association of Baltimore was founded in 1930. The women of Pitch &amp; Putt were challenging gender stereotypes as much as they were pushing for racial equality.</p>

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			<h4 style="text-align: center;"><strong>Monumental Golf Club took the lead in the court rooms, but it was the original members of Pitch &amp; Putt who stood their ground at Carrol Park and helped push for change by playing the game they loved when it wasn’t convenient or comfortable to keep teeing it up.</strong></h4>

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			<p>Carroll Park’s conditions remained second rate into the 1930s, cementing its reputation as the worst public course in Baltimore and causing desegregation supporters to spotlight the inequalities within the “separate but equal” mandate.</p>
<p>Years of legal wrangling and public debate followed, marked by cycles of small legal victories for desegregation supporters, opposition appeals, and court decisions that kept restrictive race policies in place. Finally, when Dallas Nicholas and the Monumental Golf Club once again threatened legal action in the early 1950s, BPPC voted to allow all residents full access to the city’s municipal golf courses. It also opened access to the city’s baseball diamonds, tennis courts, and other athletic facilities.</p>
<p>Then, in 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court voted to overturn school segregation enacted by <em>Brown v. Board of Education</em>, a decision that ended the “separate but equal” doctrine and firmly established equal access to Baltimore’s public facilities, Carroll Park among them.</p>
<p>As Pitch &amp; Putt prepared to recognize 80 years of continuous existence in 2018, Goburn Smith realized the club needed to honor the legacy of its original members and link their efforts to Carroll Park. Monumental Golf Club took the lead in the court rooms, but it was the original members of Pitch &amp; Putt who stood their ground at Carrol Park and helped push for change by playing the game they loved when it wasn’t convenient or comfortable to keep teeing it up.</p>
<p>“We weren’t in charge of the city, but we had a significant impact on developing legislation to open access to the city’s courses for everyone,” Goburn Smith says. “We needed to preserve our story and make sure it got told because no one else was telling it.”</p>
<p>The group raised money through fundraising golf tournaments to commission, install, and dedicate a stone monument next to Carroll Park clubhouse’s main doors. The plaque that adorns it reads in part: “A group of avid African American Golfers challenged the city for access through several legal actions. They were the catalyst for opening dialogue with elected officials that resulted in the City of Baltimore granting open access to all public recreation facilities.”</p>

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			<p>Andrea Morgan, Pitch &amp; Putt’s current president, represented the group in May 2025 when it was inducted into the<a href="https://africanamericangolfershalloffame.com/"> African American Golfers Hall of Fame</a> in Florida. “Moments like that really put things in perspective,” she says. “Being recognized as a legacy group made me realize it’s bigger than yourself, and it’s bigger than our generation.”</p>
<p>Today, young African-American golfers thankfully don’t think twice about deciding where to play. But that wasn’t always the case, and that history matters.</p>
<p>“What do we want the club’s influence to be 50 years from now?” asks Morgan. “How do we leave something behind for who comes next?”</p>
<p>Part of those efforts include sponsoring student scholarships at Morgan State University. In February, Andrea Morgan attended the school’s annual breakfast held to honor Martin Luther King Jr. and gave scholarships to three students who are studying to become a dental hygienist, social worker, and engineer.</p>
<p>“I’ve never been prouder of our women,” says Morgan. “The little bit of money that we’re able to give back shows we accomplish more as a group than we do individually.”</p>
<p>Today, Pitch &amp; Putt has approximately 30 active members who remain committed to promoting and advancing interest in women’s golf, and teaching the skill, patience, and integrity needed to play the game competitively. The youngest members are in their 50s and the oldest—by a long drive—is 92-year-old Mattie Gaines, a tall, wiry woman who doesn’t look or act her age.</p>
<p>Gaines still plays golf each week, including this morning, after which she sat at a long table in Carroll Park’s clubhouse and enjoyed a post-round chat with fellow Pitch &amp; Putt members Patricia Stokes and Verdeen Cornish.</p>

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			<p>Gaines, an athletically gifted physical education teacher in her youth, was approached some 30 years ago by Fopeanna “Fobie” Johnson, her neighbor and one of Pitch &amp; Putt’s most effective recruiters, with the suggestion to take up golf. Gaines balked at the merits of chasing a little white ball around a field, but eventually gave it a try.</p>
<p>It didn’t go well. She quit in the middle of her second round in tears when she quickly realized golf’s cruel truth: The game is exceedingly difficult and maddingly frustrating. Gaines, who gives off the distinct impression of someone who doesn’t give up easily, took a few lessons and discovered something else about the game.</p>
<p>Just one pure shot during a round—when the mind stops overthinking mechanics, freeing the body to flow through the perfect swing—is intoxicating as hell and fuels the pursuit of impossible perfection. She’s been chasing the feeling ever since.</p>
<p>Besides, back when Gaines took up golf, she had to improve her game if she wanted to join some of her friends who were already members of Pitch &amp; Putt. The members were downright competitive back then and didn’t want hackers to slow down rounds or embarrass them when they traveled to compete against other women’s clubs in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C.</p>
<p>“Oh, you needed to be good,” says Cornish, who picked up the game while working at Domino Sugar. Her male colleagues often talked business on the golf course and Cornish, who aspired to climb the corporate ladder, was determined to fit in. Unfortunately, her initial experience on the course wasn’t much better than what Gaines endured.</p>
<p>She nearly quit, but a female friend convinced her to play a couple rounds with members of Pitch &amp; Putt. Cornish was more comfortable with the women but still felt compelled to work on her game for more than a year before officially becoming a member.</p>
<p>Pitch &amp; Putt has since softened its score-card standards, but the women remain sticklers for following the rules of golf and understanding its unique etiquette. You play the ball where it lies and maintain pace of play. You don’t walk on anyone’s putting line and you most certainly finish short putts. The women of PPGC don’t hand out gimmes.</p>
<p>“When you’re in our group, you play the game the right way,” says Stokes, who runs Bogey Free, a Baltimore-area program that introduces beginners to the game with lessons based on Pitch &amp; Putt tenets. “It’s not just about knowing how to swing a club. It’s about understanding how to behave on the course. Good habits impact how comfortable and confident you feel when playing.”</p>

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			<h4 style="text-align: center;">“We needed to preserve our story and make sure it got told.”</h4>

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			<p>Golf is clearly important to the Pitch &amp; Putt members, but so is the sisterhood.</p>
<p>When Morgan joined in 1994, she was 31 years old, the youngest member at the time. Five years later, she had her first child, a daughter the Pitch &amp; Putt women doted on like proud aunts. It had been 20 years since a newborn graced the group and they threw a club-mandated baby shower for the ages. Yes, such festivities are noted in the bylaws.</p>
<p>Morgan had moved to Baltimore from Michigan to attend the University of Maryland School of Dentistry, and the Pitch &amp; Putt women became her extended family. In between studies, she’d pack up her daughter’s things, grab her clubs, and head for the course.</p>
<p>“I wouldn’t know who would end up holding her while I played, but someone always did,” says Morgan, who cherishes pictures of her young daughter tottering down fairways and sitting on golf carts.</p>
<p>“She grew up with the group. Those were great times.”</p>
<p>The Pitch &amp; Putt women also come together at times of great loss. When the club’s beloved president Stephanie Williams died unexpectedly in January 2023, the members held a memorial golf tournament that attracted more than 100 golfers and raised $12,000, which added to the Morgan State scholarship fund.</p>

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			<p>Forest Park Golf Course in Baltimore serves as Pitch &amp; Putt’s unofficial home course, but the women consider themselves a traveling group. They carpool to courses in Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylvania on the second and fourth Sundays of each month, from April to October. Several members also get together for weekly rounds at courses throughout the city, including a standing tee time on Thursday mornings at Carroll Park.</p>
<p>“We make sure that people who don’t have transportation can get to courses to play,” says Cornish. “We’ve been together so long and love each other so much. Our friendships are, you know&#8230;”</p>
<p>Her voice trails off.</p>
<p>“Sacred,” Gaines says, finishing the thought, as only a dear friend can do.</p>
<p>It’s a beautiful way to describe the deep bond that exists among Pitch &amp; Putt members. They’re forever united because of a shared love of golf and a passion for memorializing the women who came before them.</p>
<p>Gaines is asked about the Carroll Park monument and why the group worked so hard to have it placed. Her countenance changes, portraying proud confidence, and she speaks in a measured tone, pausing slightly between each word to emphasize what only the club’s women truly understand.</p>
<p>“Because we are important.”</p>

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<p><a href="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/historypolitics/pitch-and-putt-golf-club-of-baltimore-carroll-park-womens-history-desegregation-civil-rights-movement/" rel="nofollow">Source</a></p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>New Book Explores How the Civil Rights Era Shaped Political Resistance Today</title>
		<link>https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/historypolitics/book-review-joshua-clark-davis-police-against-the-movement-civil-rights/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ron Cassie]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 13 May 2026 20:59:05 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[History & Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Black Lives Matter]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[book review]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil Rights Movement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Joshua Clark Davis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Police Against the Movement]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/?post_type=article&#038;p=182854</guid>

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			<p>The story of the Civil Rights Movement has centered around the struggle to end legal segregation, voter suppression, and housing discrimination. For good reason, of course. That long fight culminated in landmark victories in the Supreme Court and legislation in Congress ended the system of laws, social practices, and economic restrictions that enforced an apartheid system in the United States.</p>
<p>The Civil Rights Movement’s battle against police abuse, however, has been largely overlooked. Often, we think of those in the Civil Rights Movement as victims of law enforcement misconduct and violence. But in <em>Police Against the Movement</em>, University of Baltimore history professor Joshua Clark Davis reframes that narrative, presenting evidence that the movement tackled police injustice head-on, offering insight into the power of political resistance in the face of government and law enforcement attacks on protest.</p>
<p><em>Police Against the Movement</em> shows how early civil rights activists set the stage for the Black Lives Matter movement and adds important context to the intimidation, violence, and tragic recent events involving ICE’s ongoing treatment of U.S. residents and activists today.</p>
<p><strong>What prompted you to revisit the Civil Rights era?</strong><br />
I started in 2017 when Black Lives Matter was on the rise. In my previous book, <em>From Head Shops to Whole Foods</em>, I had researched FBI surveillance of Black-owned bookstores. The other thing was, many journalists and commentators were describing BLM as something completely new. Or they’d say BLM [picks up] where the Civil Rights Movement ended or this is the Civil Rights Movement 2.0.</p>
<p><strong>And in <em>Police Against the Movement</em>, you document how the Civil Rights Movement was also calling out and fighting police violence and injustice.</strong><br />
We’ve all seen the horrific footage from Selma, from Birmingham. Those [violent] images are some of the most prominent images of the Civil Rights Movement. The question to me was, “How did the Civil Rights Movement respond to police violence?” You can point back to the Black Panther Party [as far as standing up to police abuse], but what about before the Black Panthers? I learned there was this incredible record of protests and demonstrations at precinct stations, inside police headquarters, campaigns against surveillance, campaigns to monitor and observe the police even before the Black Panther Party had started doing that.</p>
<p><strong>One incredible anecdote about Baltimore, is that police here trained the police attack dogs used in Birmingham.</strong><br />
Yes, and I also wrote a whole side piece for <em>Slate</em> on that a few years ago. Basically, Baltimore’s police department pioneered the canine unit and were evangelical in their zeal to spread the idea to other departments.</p>
<p><strong>Can you explain what you mean by the term “slow violence?”</strong><br />
Slow violence describes non-physical forms of harm carried out by the state that are slow in their execution and their effect. When we think of violence against the movement, we think of billy clubs, beatings, and attack dogs. But we are missing a big piece of the picture because we haven’t adequately considered that local police all over the country, not just the FBI, were inflicting surveillance on civil rights activists, bringing fabricated charges, and specious, trumped-up felony indictments that not only put them in jail, but carried the threat of prison. They carried out forms of character assassination that got people fired from jobs. These things were geared toward political intimidation and chilling political speech. So, slow violence is this umbrella term that covers more sophisticated trickery.</p>
<p><strong>One of the more interesting things you document is these police behaviors against political activists predates the FBI. It begins with local detective “Red Squads” surveilling Socialists, unionists, and Communists in the early 1900s.</strong><br />
Baltimore had one called the Inspectional Services Division. Part of why there isn’t more Baltimore in this book is that it appears the vast majority of records from Baltimore’s Red Squad don’t exist or have been lost or have been destroyed. The only copies I’ve seen show up in an FBI file. So, Baltimore was no exception to this. Every single city had a Red Squad. Some people thought of them as little FBIs. They were political intelligence units designed to ferret out political radicals, though they rarely admitted that out loud after the 1950s. They often said they were concerned with organized crime, but political radicals were their focus.</p>
<p>Part of why they are so important to the story is that they’re the main way police attack civil rights activists, especially outside of the Deep South. Most police departments in the United States realized by the mid-1960s that it was not really going to work to flagrantly, unapologetically brutalize civil rights protesters on camera. They thought, “We’re going have to come up with more sophisticated ways to undermine them and sabotage them.”</p>

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<p><a href="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/historypolitics/book-review-joshua-clark-davis-police-against-the-movement-civil-rights/" rel="nofollow">Source</a></p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Maryland State Bar Association Honors Career-long Activists</title>
		<link>https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/special/maryland-state-bar-association-honors-career-long-activists/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Megan McGaha]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 26 Oct 2022 18:01:05 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[accessible health care for all]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[American Heart Association]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Baltimore]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[This year, the Maryland State Bar Association (MSBA) celebrates 125 years since its founding in 1897. The nonprofit, which is the state’s largest bar association, was created with the mission to connect and empower members to better serve the public good and to create meaningful change. That mission remains the goal today. Here are two MSBA &#8230; <a href="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/special/maryland-state-bar-association-honors-career-long-activists/">Continued</a>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This year, the Maryland State Bar Association (MSBA) celebrates 125 years since its founding in 1897. The nonprofit, which is the state’s largest bar association, was created with the mission to connect and empower members to better serve the public good and to create meaningful change. That mission remains the goal today. Here are two MSBA members who have demonstrated their dedication to this mission throughout their careers.</p>
<p><strong>Building relationships—and her career—through MSBA</strong></p>
<p>Meryl Burgin’s husband has said if she wasn’t a teacher or a lawyer, she’d probably be a psychologist. “I really like hearing people’s stories, trying to solve problems, trying to put puzzles together to come to a complete picture,” says Burgin, executive vice president of Corporate Governance at CareFirst BlueCross BlueShield.</p>
<p>In fact, Burgin <em>was</em> a teacher before she became a lawyer. Her first career was an elementary and middle school teacher in Wisconsin, where she was also the head of her teachers’ union. “I really liked the concept of representing people,” says Burgin, who decided to go to law school a few years later. A summer position at the Baltimore law firm Whiteford, Taylor &amp; Preston LLP turned into a job offer to join the firm when she graduated.</p>
<p>There, she got involved with MSBA, becoming a member of their Labor and Employment Council. In that role, Burgin donned her teaching hat again, providing education sessions and developing training curricula for lawyers in Maryland.</p>
<p>Around that time, Burgin joined BlueCross BlueShield of Maryland as their labor and employment in-house HR counsel. Last April, she celebrated 32 years with the company, which has since become CareFirst BlueCross BlueShield. Over the years, Burgin became more involved in various community activities.</p>
<p>“It’s been my experience that your relationships, both from the law firms and the Maryland State Bar Association, you carry with you throughout your career,” says Burgin. She currently serves on the board of House of Ruth Maryland, which she was invited to join by a fellow parent from her child’s school. A colleague from her Whiteford, Taylor &amp; Preston days asked her to join the Maryland Access to Justice Commission, an organization that brings together civil justice partners—including law firm partners and the MSBA—to break down barriers that prevent all Marylanders from equally accessing the civil justice system. “This past year, we were able to get legislation passed that would provide for counsel in eviction cases,” says Burgin.</p>
<p>She emphasizes that her philanthropic activities are not separate from her day job. In fact, many people may not realize that CareFirst is the largest not-for-profit organization in the state related to health insurance coverage, notes Burgin. “Our mission is to provide affordable and accessible health care for all.” Volunteerism is encouraged; in early October, CareFirst employees had volunteered nearly 15,000 hours so far in 2022. Whether participating in the Greater Maryland Heart Walk to raise funds for the American Heart Association, or picking two tons of tomatoes to be donated to area food kitchens, or helping victims of domestic violence, Burgin says the throughline is making a difference in people’s health.</p>
<p>“All of those types of issues lead to a healthy person or an unhealthy person. If a person is evicted and they’re out on the street, they have health issues. When we’re able to stop somebody from eviction, we’re helping them from a health perspective, whether it’s a physical or a behavioral or a mental health aspect,” says Burgin.</p>
<p>“What I have done throughout my entire legal career, which has been in Baltimore, dating back to 1987, the first year I became a member of the MSBA, is to use my relationships, my legal skills, and my volunteerism in the community to help organizations who then in turn help others.”</p>
<p><strong><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-full wp-image-127867 aligncenter" src="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/1200x600-header-MSBA-to-the-public-1.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="600" srcset="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/1200x600-header-MSBA-to-the-public-1.jpg 1200w, https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/1200x600-header-MSBA-to-the-public-1-600x300.jpg 600w, https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/1200x600-header-MSBA-to-the-public-1-768x384.jpg 768w, https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/1200x600-header-MSBA-to-the-public-1-480x240.jpg 480w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></strong></p>
<p><strong>A legacy of legal and civic leadership</strong></p>
<p>Like Burgin, real estate attorney Guy Flynn has had the good fortune of working for a firm that supports the idea of “doing good and doing well,” he says. Flynn has practiced at the same law firm for 30 years, since he was hired as a summer associate in 1990 at the firm then known as Piper &amp; Marbury, while attending the University of Virginia Law School.</p>
<p>“I’ve been able to see the firm grow from the old halcyon days as a Baltimore megafirm to now this global giant,” he says of today’s DLA Piper. “It’s been an amazing journey. I’ve been able to do everything that I always thought a lawyer should do.”</p>
<p>For Flynn, serving clients was always co-equal with his civic leadership roles. At MSBA, Guy is past chairman of the Real Property Section Discussion Group, a monthly gathering of leading real estate lawyers in the state for discussion of topical matters. From 2001 to 2011, Guy served on MSBA&#8217;s Real Property Section Council, which is the governing arm of MSBA&#8217;s Real Property Section. Currently, he serves on MSBA&#8217;s Real Property Section Legislative Liaison Committee, which tracks and provides comment to legislation affecting real property interests in Maryland.</p>
<p>This culture of contribution was modeled by his colleagues and mentors, who include “legends” such as African-American attorneys George Russell Jr., and Kenneth Thompson, who made history when their law firm merged with Piper &amp; Marbury in 1986, marking one of the first mergers of a minority-led law firm with a majority white firm. Flynn also cites the impact of Deke Miller, one of the founders of the Maryland Legal Aid’s Equal Justice Council, and Don McPherson, the chair of his group at Piper, on his career and pursuit of pro bono work. “They were the best of the best lawyers, but also made their legacy outside the courtroom,” says Flynn. “They showed me that I could both become a great lawyer and become an even greater citizen.”</p>
<p>If those legendary men blazed a path for Flynn’s career, an earlier mentor deserves credit for sparking his passion for the legal profession in the first place: his mother. She grew up in Durham, North Carolina, during the Jim Crow era, and inherited her spirit of activism from her father, a country lawyer and union organizer, says Flynn. “My mom was one of the Freedom Riders. She sat in at lunch counters. She was smack dab in the middle of the Civil Rights Movement.” Flynn explains that she wanted to go to law school but, busy raising two young children and helping his father run his medical practice, she never had the opportunity to fulfill her dream. However, she lit the fire in her son. “My inspiration to become a lawyer was my mom,” says Flynn, whose parents are still alive and active in the community.</p>
<p>Flynn is following their example. While he says, “I will always be a lawyer at heart,” he has announced his retirement as a partner of DLA Piper as of January 2023. But he has no plans to stop working with the many organizations he’s involved with, from Maryland Legal Aid and the Maryland Access to Justice Commission, to serving as president of the board of the Walters Art Museum.</p>
<p>Flynn and his wife, Nupur Parekh Flynn, were named the 2020 “Philanthropists of the Year” by The United Way of Central Maryland. They also received an award from The Children’s Guild Alliance for their lifelong work on behalf of children in the greater Baltimore and Washington, D.C., regions.</p>
<p>“I tell young lawyers it’s never too early or too late to make a difference. That’s why I’ve always been so drawn to the MSBA and all their great work and programs,” says Flynn, citing the network and skills he’s built over the years through both his corporate and philanthropic endeavors. “Those are all skills that never leave you. I intend to deploy them fully in this next chapter for the benefit of as many people as possible.”</p>
<p>The Maryland State Bar Association is home to the Maryland legal profession and an invaluable resource for the 40,000+ lawyers, judges, paralegals, law firm administrators, law students, and more we represent. <a href="https://bmag.co/4sl">Visit us online</a> to learn more about the value of membership and resources that MSBA has to offer. Be a Part of It.</p>

<p><a href="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/special/maryland-state-bar-association-honors-career-long-activists/" rel="nofollow">Source</a></p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Morgan Students Staged Read&#8217;s Drugstore Sit-In 60 Years Ago</title>
		<link>https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/community/morgan-students-staged-reads-drugstore-sit-in-60-years-ago/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jess Mayhugh]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2019 22:33:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[News & Community]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil Rights Movement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Morgan State University]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Read's Drugstore]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Selma]]></category>
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			<p>
	Baltimore wasn't Selma in 1955. It wasn't New York or Philadelphia, either. The sixth largest U.S. city at mid-century, occupying middle ground in a border state that hadn't been able to make up its mind which side to join in the Civil War, Baltimore was its own indecipherable tangle of prejudice.
</p>
<p>
	Biased by laws both written and unwritten, the city could be onerous and discriminating at one turn, accommodating the next. Forget, for a moment, the big stuff, like applying for a job or buying a house. For black citizens, simply trying on clothes or shoes, seeing a movie, filling a prescription, getting a bite to eat—hell, a cup of coffee—meant navigating a labyrinth of rules that shape-shifted not just from neighborhood to neighborhood, but often store to store within a single downtown block.
</p>
<p>
	Yet, unlike in the Deep South, anyone could sit anywhere they pleased on streetcars and buses. And, in theory at least, the city public schools had begun desegregating in the aftermath of the 1954 <em>Brown v. Board of Education</em> decision.
</p>
<p>
	 It was in this setting 60 years ago this month that Helena Hicks, then a Morgan State College student, and her friends ducked inside Read's Drugstore in the Lexington and Howard shopping district. "We wanted to sit down, unload our books, and get something hot to drink," she says now. "That's it." January winds had been blowing all morning, strings of buses, too full to stop, kept passing by, and Hicks couldn't stand it any longer. "Let's go inside, all they are going to do is tell us to leave," she recalls saying to her friends. Among the half-dozen students with her, one was from New York, another from North Carolina, and a third from Africa. "They had no idea what the rules were in Baltimore," Hicks says. "If you came from New York, you had fewer rights than you ever had. If you came from North Carolina, you thought you'd made it North. Africa? Forget it."
</p>
<h2>"In Baltimore, the Read's sit-ins are considered the forerunner to what later happened." </h2>
<p>
	The spunky 80-year-old, who went on to earn a Ph.D. from the University of Maryland, shakes her head of now gray hair at the absurdity of it. "I mean, it didn't make any sense to me either, and I was raised here," she continues, animated as ever. "They figured I knew what I was doing, but I only thought since we had a big group, it might intimidate them, and we could warm up for a while."
</p>
<p>
	 As the Morgan students headed toward the lunch counter, the store's black employees ran into the kitchen to avoid association. They were ignored, she says, until a manager arrived on the scene, "informing us that 'niggers' weren't allowed." Hicks, all of 4-foot-11 and 107 pounds, and her classmates held their ground. Not for long, really. "The whole thing lasted maybe 20 minutes," she says. "I wasn't going to let anyone wind up in the Pine Street jail. I'd heard enough about that place by then.
</p>
<p>
	 "And, truthfully, we needed to get to school."
</p>
<p>
	<b>A few days later,</b> the front page of the January 22, 1955, national edition of <i>The Afro-American </i>newspaper ran a short story, datelined Baltimore, with the headline "Now serve all." Read's, which had 39 area stores, had suddenly decided to desegregate, with the article citing a "sit-down strike" at its "largest store in the heart of the city, the day before the change of policy was announced." A more in-depth story appeared inside as well, referencing other, coordinated Read's lunch-counter desegregation efforts by Morgan students and the Baltimore chapter of the Committee on Racial Equality (CORE) downtown and at the Northwood Shopping Center Read's near campus. The Baltimore <i>Afro-American</i> published the same day also made several references to the Morgan students' sit-ins and Read's subsequent policy change.
</p>
<p>
	Read's wasn't the first store to desegregate in Baltimore, but it's considered a turning point because it sparked more successful sit-ins in the ensuing years, such as those at Arundel Ice Cream—whose 17 Baltimore-area stores finally desegregated in 1959—and later, the Northwood Theatre, a holdout until 1963. Yet, for more than a half-century, the students' successful desegregation of Read's lunch counters—five years before the more famous Greensboro, NC, lunch-counter sit-ins—had essentially remained lost to history. The Read's story only began to resurface in the late 2000s when plans to demolish the downtown store's former home at Lexington and Howard received public attention. Even now, the story remains somewhat under the radar in terms of its early national civil-rights-era legacy.
</p>
<p>
	"If you live in Baltimore and know your history, the Read's Drugstore sit-ins are considered the forerunner to what later happened, with greater publicity, elsewhere in the South," says Pulitzer Prize-winning Morgan journalism professor E.R. Shipp. "Outside of Baltimore, the Read's Drugstore sit-in and related civil-rights campaigns by Morgan students in the 1950s and 1960s are not widely known," the Georgia native and former editor at <i>The New York Times</i> continues. "I've only been at Morgan about two years. I'm still learning about the students' role in the civil-rights movement myself."
</p>
<p>
	<b>In truth, part of the</b> reason the Morgan students' sit-ins never received the attention of those in the Deep South was that the civil-rights struggle in Baltimore was much more incremental, dating back to the mid-1930s and Thurgood Marshall and Donald Gaines Murray's legal challenge to open the University of Maryland's law school to all races. The other reason the demonstrations never received the national attention of, say, the Montgomery Bus Boycott, was the protests in the city weren't repressed with the same kind of violence—lynchings, church bombings, and attacks with billy clubs and fire hoses—that they were in the Deep South.
</p>
<p>
	In many ways, new protests, led by Hicks and others, to save the currently vacant Read's building from demolition have been as much about saving one of the few remaining symbols of the forgotten, decades-long desegregation battle in Baltimore as they have been about honoring one of the specific sites of the Morgan sit-ins.
</p>
<h2>"I'd go to class, then to a sit-in, and then come back late at night to study or edit the newspaper."<br>
</h2>
<p>
	Baltimore Heritage director Johns Hopkins (distant descendant of <i>the</i> Johns Hopkins) says it was during the late 2000s, when demolition of the Read's building was formally proposed, that the story of Read's began to come to life again. He believes the location of the building and its historic sit-ins are central to understanding the city's complicated record regarding racial prejudice—nowhere more obvious than at Howard and Lexington. The city's beloved department stores—Hochchild's, Stewart's, Hecht's, and Hutzler's ("where Baltimore shops!")—all maintained some form of segregation until 1960 or later.
</p>
<p>
	"When it really hit home for me, what this building and block represent, was when a class of eighth graders and a class of ninth graders came out on separate field trips during demonstrations a few years ago," Hopkins says. "Their reaction was very powerful. You could see what it meant to them to know that story and to be there, where it happened. It's one of the few physical places like that in existence in Baltimore. It's not the Taj Mahal, but landmarks like this draw kids in, and they get interested in learning about that history."
</p>
<p>
	Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake's position on Read's appears to have evolved since initially supporting so-called "Superblock" development plans that would have doomed the building. A spokeswoman, writing in an e-mail, says the mayor is committed to "commemorating the events that occurred at the former Read's Drugstore," but notes that new redevelopment efforts that would at least protect the building's facade remain tied up amid litigation filed by the site's former developers who were contracted by the city.
</p>
<p>
	<b>Morgan State has </b>a long history of civil-rights student activism. In 1947, hundreds of Morgan students marched in Annapolis, demanding equal funding for the school. In 1948, Morgan students were among those successfully picketing, along with the NACCP, for the desegregation of Ford's Theatre in Washington, D.C.
</p>
<p>
	In fact, Hicks's parents had taken her to demonstrations at Ford's long before she stepped foot on campus, and she'd been a member of Lillie Mae Carroll Jackson's NAACP youth group. She says that many Baltimore students at Morgan, originally founded by Methodists, brought their ideals and activist inclinations with them to college, noting that their activism wasn't limited to campus-organized protests. "Most students lived at home, or if they were from out of town, often stayed with a family involved with a church in the city or at the YMCA," Hicks says. "So there'd be demonstrations around school during the school year, but not in the summer or over break. Then, you might do something downtown with the NAACP, or somewhere else, not necessarily as a Morgan student.'"
</p>
<p>
	<img decoding="async" src="https://52f073a67e89885d8c20-b113946b17b55222ad1df26d6703a42e.ssl.cf2.rackcdn.com/Screen-shot-2015-01-14-at-4.01.54-PM.png#asset:14323:url" style="width: 938px; height: 301px;"><br>
<h7><i>Pictured left, center:</i> Helena Hicks, who later went on to earn a Ph.D., as a Morgan State College student in her 1955 graduation photo. <i>Pictured right, lower left:</i> Hicks's friend and classmate Geraldine Leake, who, according to Hicks, also took part in the downtown Read's Drugstore sit-in in January of 1955.</h7>
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<p>
	 The Reverend Douglas Sands, a Howard County native who attended Morgan from 1952 to 1956 and first met Hicks at college, recalls little interaction with whites going through elementary and high school, except for walking to school. But he had felt the barbs of racism, such as name calling and spitting, before entering Morgan. "I got involved as a freshman in my first protest because a couple of upperclassman came by and pulled me out my dorm—which I was grateful for because it got me away from the pranks people were pulling," says Sands, a former student body president, who participated in the Read's Drugstore sit-ins near campus.
</p>
<p>
	He adds that Morgan students often gathered, formally and informally, at the school's Christian Center, with a subsequent course of action determined by how many students turned up. "The spirit of activism was really woven into the social life on campus," Sands continues. "Truthfully, there wasn't much we could do off-campus."
</p>
<p>
	Former state delegate Walter P. Dean, editor of the school's newspaper in the early 1960s, was one of the first Morgan students arrested in a civil-rights protest on March 26, 1960, at the Hecht-May Co. department store in the Northwood Shopping Center. The management refused to serve black diners and posted guards at the door, according to a later <i>Baltimore Sun</i> story, which added that the arrests had such an impact on other department stores that the owner of Hutzler's ordered its tea room and lunch counters open to all customers a few weeks later.
</p>
<p>
	"Sometimes as students we were fearful, other times we felt emboldened, but it became a crusade for us," says Dean, who was arrested three times at sit-ins as a Morgan student. "It all seemed seamless. I'd go to class, then to a sit-in, and then come back late at night to study or edit the newspaper. We always got our school work done," he laughs, adding that Morgan's administration and faculty was overwhelmingly supportive of the students' efforts.
</p>
<h2>"Sometimes we were fearful, other times we felt emboldened, but it became a crusade."</h2>
<p>
	By the 1960s, Morgan students were picketing at Northwood Shopping Center's Rooftop Restaurant and participating in large protests at the Northwood Theatre, which continued its segregation policy even as other businesses at the shopping center ended theirs. Ongoing "stand-in" demonstrations at the theater led to a huge number of arrests during the winter of 1963. Then, in late February that year, with 350 Morgan students in jail, the Northwood Theatre owners finally relented.
</p>
<p>
	Several weeks later, Martin Luther King Jr. led his first influential mass demonstrations in Birmingham.
</p>
<p>
	"The fact is," says the 80-year-old Sands, whose memory is little diminished by the passing decades, "that getting involved with something that was proactive was important to me at that age, for many reasons, which I only came to fully understand later."
</p>
<p>
	Joining in protest, in mass resistance, was about more than being able to sit down at a certain lunch counter or inside a certain movie theater, Sands continues. "Those are not the most important things in the world, in and of themselves," he says. "But it was something you could do, bodily, to seek redress for the way you were treated by society. It's how we transcended our experience of racism. It was the means by which we built self-esteem and self-respect for ourselves."
</p>
<p>
	For Hicks, struggle for civil-rights justice simply continues. She notes that most of Baltimore's black cultural landmarks such as the Royal Theatre, which hosted Duke Ellington, Etta James, and The Supremes, among others, and was considered a sister theater to the Apollo in Harlem, have long been torn down in the name of redevelopment. She vows to keep fighting to save Read's building.
</p>
<p>
	"I won't quit," says Hicks, in a voice that still pierces with tenacity, "as long as my eyes are open."
</p>
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<p>
	<img decoding="async" src="https://52f073a67e89885d8c20-b113946b17b55222ad1df26d6703a42e.ssl.cf2.rackcdn.com/B_web_extra_teal.png#asset:13452:url" alt="" style="width: 50px; height: 50px; float: left; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px;"><strong>Online Exclusive!</strong> View additional images of Morgan State University’s permanent civil rights era exhibit.<br>
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<p><a href="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/community/morgan-students-staged-reads-drugstore-sit-in-60-years-ago/" rel="nofollow">Source</a></p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Book Reviews: June 2018</title>
		<link>https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/artsentertainment/book-reviews-defying-verdict-bipolar-disorder-colored-waiting-room-civil-rights-movement/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Jess Mayhugh]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 13 Jun 2018 08:30:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Arts & Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Health & Wellness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[History & Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bipolar disorder]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[book reviews]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Charita Cole Brown]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil Rights Movement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kevin Shird]]></category>
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			<h4><em>Defying the Verdict: My Bipolar Life</em></h4>
<p>Charita Cole Brown (Curbside Splendor Publishing)</p>
<p>Brown, a lifelong Baltimorean, has written her autobiography with a cool detachment from her ongoing battle with bipolar disorder, as if a casual observer of her own story. The pace quickens each time she spirals into a hypomania cycle, which seems to grow in intensity each round, although months and even years of stability fall in between. Through family support, her lifelong Christian faith, and ultimately finding the right combination of medicine after being committed to hospitals on multiple occasions, Brown finds peace. And she does, indeed, defy the verdict placed upon her by doctors, who insisted she’d eventually need custodial care and that marrying and having children were off the table.</p>

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			<p><img decoding="async" src="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/colored-waiting-room-book.jpg" alt="colored-waiting-room-book.jpg#asset:62406" /></p>

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			<h4><em>The Colored Waiting Room</em></h4>
<p>Kevin Shird with Nelson Malden (Apollo Publishers)</p>
<p>This book—its title references blacks still being persecuted, despite progress—weaves together Baltimore writer/activist Shird’s memoir with that of Malden, who was a friend, barber, and confidant of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. during the apex of the civil rights movement. We gain insight into King’s life and struggles, all while hearing firsthand accounts of the country’s upheaval. And for those who, like Shird, want to freshen up on their knowledge of African-American history, a helpful timeline highlights pivotal moments along the way from the era of Dred Scott to Freddie Gray.</p>

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<p><a href="https://www.baltimoremagazine.com/section/artsentertainment/book-reviews-defying-verdict-bipolar-disorder-colored-waiting-room-civil-rights-movement/" rel="nofollow">Source</a></p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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